How can we worsen casteism?
Party program of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)
1 Communist Party of India (Maoist) Party Program The CPI (ML) 1970 program and the MCC 1969 document have provided the correct revolutionary general line after breaking the decades-old entrenched revisionism in the Indian communist movement. The line laid out in these two documents was further enriched in the various conferences and congresses of these two parties, on the basis of the vast experience accumulated by the two organizations while waging the People's War in India and on the basis of the main developments that had taken place in the domestic and international situation. The history of our two parties, representing the two main Maoist currents in India, is deeply rooted in the echoing period of the 1960s. It was the period when two pre-eminent and first-rate leaders of our two currents, Comrades CM and KC, stood out in applying MLM to the specific conditions of India and in combating, exposing, and exposing the year-old revisionism of the CPI and CPI (M) brand broke. The great Naxalbari uprising, led by Comrade CM in May 1967, turned out to be the fanfare of the Spring Thunder over India. In the period that followed, our two Maoist currents not only carried on the legacy of our beloved leaders, but also achieved great success in rebuilding and advancing the armed agrarian revolution through the protracted People's War. As a result, the waves of the new phase of the spring thunderstorm are reverberating once more today, in Andhra, Bihar-Jharkhand, Dandakaranya, and other areas of our country; they are increasingly being felt across India and far beyond. Today, the deepening economic and political crisis in this country, as part of the overall crisis in the international arena, provides fertile ground for a new flood of popular movements, including the revolutionary movement led by our United Party. The United Party is designed to accelerate the armed agrarian revolutionary war across the country by providing the much-needed leadership of the popular movement across the country. With this in mind, we are confident that this party's program will serve to provide greater clarity in all ranks and ranks as to the general line of the party, and that it will help the party to lead the growing stream of popular struggles take over and promote the people's war across the country. Party program 1. Our beloved mother country, India, is one of the oldest, largest and most populous countries in the world, inhabited by nearly 1.1 billion people. Our country is a country endowed with rich natural resources such as land, labor, animals, water, minerals, forests etc. India is a multinational country that includes people of many nationalities and tribes going through different stages of their development, as well as people of different religious
2 beliefs. The vast majority of our country's population is mainly dependent on agriculture. Thus, it is essentially a land of the peasant masses. The people of the country are hard working and talented. It is also a country with one of the oldest civilizations. As a whole, our country and our people are the heirs of a rich revolutionary tradition and a glorious cultural heritage. 2. For millennia, the feudalism that has dominated Indian society has been a rigid, caste-based feudalism built on Brahmin ideology. This nefarious caste system was of tremendous value in drawing great added value from the oppressed, especially the so-called casteless who were thrust into slave-like conditions. British colonialism intervened in this backward situation with its East India Company. Then, beginning with the victory at the Battle of Plassey in 1757, the British colonialists began to occupy the entire country and succeeded in establishing their own direct rule over the next several decades. At that time India had flourishing industries and trade, as well as flourishing handicrafts and cotton industries. The embryo of a merchandise management system was developing in the lap of the feudal economy. But the exploitative and oppressive rule of the British colonialists brutally destroyed this development. They also mercilessly destroyed indigenous craftsmen and traders. The self-sufficient natural economy of the village also disintegrated initially to some extent and later to a greater extent. They turned India into a source for their raw materials and a market for their manufactured goods. During the nearly 200 years of direct colonial rule and exploitation, the Indian economy has been turned into an economy entirely dependent on imperialism. The Indian economy was thus integrated into the global capitalist-imperialist economy, in a subordinate position, and was subsequently shaped to match the demand of British imperialist finance capital. In order to consolidate their rule and continue their ruthless exploitation, the British colonialists preserved feudal forces and at the same time realigned them to new zamindars to act as their social props through permanent settlement in the form of the Zamindari, Mahalwari and Rayatwari systems of Land ownership. Thus the British rulers transformed the independent and feudal India into a colonial and semi-feudal India. 3. The Indian proletariat arose on the stage of history from the pauperized and destroyed peasantry when the British colonialists established railroad lines, mines, ports, plantations, and a few industries. From the comprador traders, moneylenders, feudal rulers and landowners who emerged as investing in industries such as textiles, jute, steel, paper, cement, plantations, etc. under the protection and according to the needs and plans of the British imperialists, today's class of the comprador big capitalists who are completely dependent on imperialism for their survival and growth. At the same time, an educated petty bourgeoisie emerged from the educational system that the British imperialists had instituted according to the needs of their administration and rule. 4. From the very beginning of their rule, the British had to become the glorious national
3 face liberation struggles of the Indian people. After the British occupation, the history of India is the history of uninterrupted historical struggles waged by the Indian people against the British imperialists and also against feudal exploitation and oppression. That story has been the story of the glorious revolutionary peasant struggles, and peasant uprisings have sprung up one after another. A series of peasant struggles and revolts against the British colonialists and their feudal props, such as the Santhal Revolt of, culminated in the first war of independence of 1857, which is the beginning of the Indian democratic revolution. This uprising by the revolting army, peasantry and patriotic people spread across the country like a prairie fire, inflicting many humiliating defeats on the colonialists and shaking the very foundations of British foreign rule. But it ended in failure because of feudal rule and its betrayal. After that, there were large numbers of uprisings by armed peasants and rebel tribes against the British colonialists and their feudal props. However, since the working class was not strong enough to provide leadership, nor was the working class ideology coexisted with a revolutionary party based on that ideology, these struggles and riots also failed. 5. The Congress Party, and later the Ghandi leadership in Congress, was created by the British colonialists to disperse and impede the growing anti-imperialist national liberation movement and to deprive the people of revolutionary leadership. Then, when the living conditions of the working masses became increasingly unbearable as a result of the imperialist crisis and World War I, the peasants, workers and other working people rose in increasing numbers to overthrow British rule. The revolutionary section of the petty bourgeoisie also took up arms from time to time in its heroic struggles, especially in the struggle led by Bhagat singh and his revolutionary group. Their heroic struggles made a lasting impression on the people, while the exploiters and oppressors became fearful. Beginning with the Champaran Peasant Uprising (Bihar), the Ghandi leadership, loyal to the British, representing the comprador big bourgeoisie and the landlord classes, intervened with the ideology of nonviolence, passive resistance and satyagragha, thus directing the evolving national liberation movement from Path of struggle and revolution for the path of surrender and negotiation. To protect their political and economic interests, the British rulers made a few political and economic concessions to the comprador big bourgeoisie and the Land Lords so that they would behave as stable pillars of British imperialism. 6. With the victory of the Great October Revolution in Russia in 1917 under the leadership of Comrade Lenin, the Marxist-Leninist ideology was sown in our country. Under the influence of this ideology, and as a result of heroic and militant struggles waged by the proletariat against British imperialism, the CPI emerged in 1925. But despite countless opportunities, the leadership of the proletariat and its party could not establish itself in the liberation movement. The leadership of the Communist Party ceaselessly refused to understand the true character of the
4 Ghandic guidance to recognize. That is why it failed to delimit itself and fight against it, adopting the correct revolutionary path and initiative. Instead, it continued to follow the Ghandi leadership and turned its back on the connection of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indian revolution. This leadership could not carry out a correct class analysis of Indian society, and also failed to classify itself with the brave Indian people, especially the peasantry. She also refused to learn and follow the triumphant approach of the Chinese Revolution under the leadership of Comrade Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communist Party. It did not take the path of armed struggle for the takeover of political power in the national liberation movement. Even though the objective revolutionary situation in India at the time was extremely favorable, the opportunist leadership of the Communist Party always turned its back on the correct path of protracted people's war and armed national liberation struggle. Indeed, the leadership of the Communist Party helped derail the anti-imperialist popular militant movement and dragged the revolutionary masses behind the Ghandi leadership by forging an opportunist alliance with it. Above all, this leadership betrayed the great armed peasant revolt of Telangana, and buried itself in the swamp of parliamentarism and revisionism under the deceptive pretense of using parliament. And this at a time when the objective situation was unprecedentedly favorable to advance the agrarian revolution and when the glorious path of the protracted people's war was brightly illuminated by Comrade Mao Tse-tung and the victorious Chinese revolution. Even so, courageous Communist Party cadres stood by the side of the fighting people and waged many revolutionary struggles. They gave their precious lives for the lofty aim of carrying out the Indian Revolution as part of the world proletarian revolution. 7. During and after the Second World War, a new equilibrium of forces was formed in the world: through the total defeat of the fascist powers which the Red Army troops of the Soviet Union and the peoples of the world had inflicted on them under the leadership of the great Stalin; by the substantial weakening of imperialism as a result of the war; through the rise of the people's democratic power in Eastern European countries and the earth-shattering victory of the great Chinese revolution under the leadership of Comrade Mao Tse-tung, who illuminated the path of liberation for the oppressed nations and peoples around the world; through the emergence of a global socialist system on a third of the globe, along with the unprecedented rise in national liberation struggles. In particular, the victory of the Chinese revolution has led concretely on the path of liberating the oppressed nations and peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America from the exploitation and oppression of imperialism. In this way, the victory of the Chinese revolution played a tremendous role in changing the balance of power in the then prevailing world situation. In a situation so grave for the imperialists, it immediately became necessary for them to change their old style of direct colonial rule and introduce a new style of colonial rule and exploitation, relying on the agents they had selected and trained to do
5 to save herself because the new situation had already weakened her to a great extent. The imperialists had already trained their chosen agents, who represented the comprador big bourgeoisie and the land lord classes, into their loyal ruling class; so they changed the old colonial way of their exploitation and rule to the neo-colonial way of indirect rule, exploitation and control. 8. An unprecedented revolutionary situation also arose in the Indian subcontinent during and in the immediate aftermath of World War II. A tremendous move for the release of the Azad Hind Fauz prisoners; powerful anti-imperialist student demonstrations across India; Tebhaga and Bakasht movements along with a powerful anti-feudal movement in the princely states; the postal and telegraph workers' strike; the glorious mutiny of the R.I.N. Naval forces in Bombay along with emerging resentment within army and air forces; the police revolt in Bihar; Solidarity struggles of the working class and the beginning of the historic armed peasant uprising in Telangana brought imperialist rule in India almost to the brink of collapse. In such a situation, the British imperialists use the services of their loyal comprador agents, the leaders of Congress and the Muslim League to maintain their exploitation, control and indirect rule to suppress the revolutionary rise of the Indian people. Amid conspiracies and intrigues resulting in communal bloodbaths and massacres, the land was divided on a religious basis. British imperialists surrendered their power to their loyal agents, the leadership of the Congress Party, which represents the comprador bureaucratic capitalist and great land lord classes, and disappeared behind the curtain. The 1947 independence declaration was essentially nothing but a hoax. Indeed, the direct colonial and semi-feudal system of the British imperialists has been replaced by a semi-colonial and semi-feudal system under the neo-colonial type of indirect imperialist rule, exploitation and control. 9. During the ensuing years of formal independence, which is essentially a hoax, these ruling classes, comprador, big bourgeoisie and big land lords continued to faithfully serve the imperialists. In the changed situation, both the British and the U.S. and other imperialist exploiters, with the restoration of capitalism by Khrushchev revisionism after the death of Gen. Stalin also the Soviet exploiters to invade our country. Submissive to the imperialists, the Indian ruling classes held the door open to the raids and pillage of our country by the imperialist powers, while also realizing their own interests by exploiting intra-imperialist contradictions. 10. After the end of direct colonial rule, imperialism took on new forms of indirect rule, exploitation and control from nations and countries subordinate to it. This is called neocolonialism. This is a more deceptive and evil form of colonialism. Now imperialist finance capital continues to be exported without restriction, through international institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, which have imposed strict conditions, and also through loans and aid from the imperialist countries. This has the unrestricted flow
6 imperialist finance capital has increased further and its grip has also narrowed.Regardless of this, the investments of transnational corporations continue to increase. The domination and control of imperialist finance capital in every sphere of our life - economically, politically, militarily and culturally - rose on and on. Indeed, the imperialists control key sectors of the Indian economy and even administration. The omnipotence and control of imperialist finance capital is also reflected in a phenomenal increase in the total amount of imperialist capital, in thousands of collaborations for technology and capital, in unequal and degrading agreements and the dependence on imperialism for aid, loans and credits, capital goods, technical know-how, agricultural investment, military support and defense industries. Recently, the stranglehold of imperialist finance capital over the agricultural and other sectors has tightened even further because of the WTO and imperialist globalization. All of this is made possible by the submission to imperialism of the comprador capitalist and feudal classes. Thus India continues to be a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country under the neo-colonial form of imperialist indirect rule, exploitation and control. 11. According to the dictates and plans of the imperialists, especially the US imperialists, the comprador big capitalist and feudal ruling classes of India continue to pursue such a reactionary foreign policy that serves the imperialists according to the needs of their global strategy. 12. After the end of the Second World War, US imperialism emerged as the most powerful imperialist country. So he had come to the front as the main enemy of the oppressed peoples, oppressed nations and the world proletariat. Then, after the demise of Comrade Stalin, and especially since the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the Soviet Union was transformed into a capitalist country. It also appeared from 1970 as a social-imperialist and thus as a superpower. It continued to wear the garb of socialism and made the Eastern European countries its satellites. In addition, it began to exploit many oppressed countries and nations, and it succeeded in establishing domination and control over some of them. It equipped itself with a nuclear arsenal and became a great danger and a diabolical enemy of the world's population. It turned out to be the main rival of U.S. imperialism for redivision and hegemony over the world. In this competition for redistribution and hegemony, millions lost their lives in various proxy wars, and on a few occasions the world was on the verge of a world war. In India, too, these two superpowers were the great oppressors and exploiters of the people and quarreled with one another. But after the 1970s, the Soviet social-imperialists held the predominant position for more than two decades. After the collapse of the Soviet superpower, the Indian ruling class leaned towards the US superpower, which assumed the predominant position. 13. The Indian comprador bureaucratic class is one of the main tools for the
7 imperialist exploitation and control over India. It is completely interwoven with and dependent on imperialism for its existence and development. Their interests are closely linked to the interests of the imperialists in all fields. They are interwoven with imperialism and allied with feudalism. The comprador bureaucratic capitalist class (or big bourgeoisie or state monopoly bourgeoisie) is extremely reactionary, anti-popular and anti-national, and it subjects the great Indian masses of proletariat, peasants and petty bourgeoisie to ruthless exploitation and oppression, and it is a hurdle for the development of the independent Indian economy. It also curbs the growth of the small and middle bourgeoisie, and continues to ally itself with imperialism to maintain its decadent pre-capitalist modes of production. So this class is one of the targets of India's New Democratic Revolution. 14. Fearing the anger of the people as demonstrated by the uprising of the peasants, and particularly in panic over the great and historic Telangana peasant revolt, the comprador big capitalist and feudal ruling classes of India introduced some changes in the land conditions Names of the abolition of feudalism after 1947, in accordance with the needs and plans of the imperialists. The princely states and the intermediate system of land ownership were abolished after huge compensations were paid. But the monopoly on land of the great land lords remains as such, while the land is withheld from the huge population of landless and poor peasants. Even today, our land is fundamentally a land of peasant masses, with two-thirds of the population living in rural areas. The overwhelming majority of the peasants belong to the most exploited and oppressed class. They are forced to live in the most miserable and extremely poor conditions. Despite all the alleged land reforms, 30% of the entire land is concentrated in the hands of Land Lords, who make up only 5% of the population, while the middle peasantry makes up about 20% of the rural population and the rich peasantry 10%. 65% of the total peasantry are landless and poor peasants who either have no land or hardly any land. Extreme forms of semi-feudal exploitation are still common in the countryside. The most widespread forms of such exploitation are the extortion of products through lease in kind, whereby farmers are stolen up to 50% of their products, unfree labor, usury and trader capital and other forms of extra-economic coercion. The worst form of gaining surplus value through extra-economic coercion was through the caste system. Here the handicraft and service caste had to serve the aristocratic nobility and the priests for a nominal wage. The untouchable castes continued to be treated almost like slaves who even had to do unpaid work and services in the name of begar, etc. The backward agriculture on fragmented land, which in some places mainly depends on primitive methods and the whims of nature, compels a great one Part of the peasantry, including an overwhelming number of middle farmers, to live a miserable life. The rural area is dominated by land lords, usurers, traders and religious institutions. These exploiting groups are at the core of semi-feudal production relationships in the country. All of these facts show that our country is a semi-feudal country. This class
8 of the feudal land lords maintains and creates casteism, communalism, and superstition, and maintains private armies, or Goonda troops, maintains medieval oppression of the rural masses, and suppresses Dalits, Adivasi, and women by frequent massacres, rape, etc. . perpetrated. It is this class of oppressors who hold the social and political power, which ensures the preservation of the decadent feudal culture and promotes the caste system, fanaticism, male supremacy including patriarchy and undemocratic authoritarian ideas etc. in the vast rural area. The authority of the feudal land lords is caste based. They use their higher-caste social and political connections to maintain their authority and terror in the rural areas. Brahmin ideology is used to give it a religious inviolability. This is the overall dominant aspect of rural society in India and the main obstacle to the development of the productive forces and the progress of our country. This class of usurers, traders and great land lords is extremely reactionary and a social pillar of imperialism; thus one of the main goals of the New Democratic Revolution in India. 15. After the transfer of power in 1947, the Indian ruling classes, serving imperialism, resorted to numerous measures to promote alternative models of development instead of radical land reforms based on the peasants' land. First they brought Community Development Programs, Rural Cooperatives and Intensive Agricultural Development Programs (IADP) etc. with the help of, and according to the needs and plans of, the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations, the World Bank and other imperialist agencies. Then, in continuation of these steps, they introduced the so-called Green Revolution in Punjab and a few rural parts of the country in the mid 1960s. This Green Revolution was not only intended to provide a market for the imperialist goods, but was also an attempt to counter the emerging threat of the Red Revolution and to resolve the chronic food crisis. Despite an increase in productivity, including manufacturing, the negative results of this Green Revolution soon began to show clearly. The cost of agricultural investment had risen sharply, while production rates lagged or almost stagnated. This widening void resulted in a widening fall in agricultural savings; so the living conditions of the peasantry continue to deteriorate rather than improve, while the market for agricultural products of the imperialists, such as agricultural machinery, chemical fertilizers, HYV seeds, pesticides, etc., continues to grow, along with their profits. Aside from a handful of great land lords, including a few newly emerged great pro-capitalist land lords (from the formerly rich peasants), the vast majority of the peasantry, particularly the poor peasants and farm laborers, and a significant portion of the middle peasants, will continue and continue to grow more into the clutches of usurers, traders and great pro-capitalist land lords, while the grip of banks and other financial institutions is tightening. With the increasing penetration of imperialist finance capital, the grip has tightened further. This has also introduced some capitalist production relations, but this capitalism is very distorted and fragmented. About that
In addition, the land question has not been fundamentally resolved. No doubt, a few new class forces emerged with the Green Revolution, but this so-called capitalist development has brought nothing but misery and the resulting discontent among the peasant masses, even that, on a massive scale. Despite some changes in the areas of the Green Revolution, no significant change has occurred in the semi-feudal conditions of India as a whole. Although there are some changes, there have been no changes in the caste system. 16. The crisis of imperialism that emerged in the early 1970s continues to deepen. Although they were given a little respite with the collapse of the former capitalist imperialism of the Soviet state, they could not bridge their crisis. So they pushed through the imperialist strategies of privatization, liberalization and globalization with more force. Not only has this policy more obviously tightened the grip of imperialist finance capital, it has also accelerated the pace of exploitation and oppression of the oppressed nations and peoples. Yet the crisis of imperialism has reached unprecedented new heights in recent years, unimaginable since the end of World War II, and the normal means of resolving the crisis have already been exhausted. Against this backdrop, U.S. Imperialists openly started to resort to military means in their desperate attempt to get out of the deep-seated and all-round economic, political and social crisis. Today thousands of large imperialist multinationals and transnational corporations operate openly in India and all other backward countries. Imperialism is increasingly becoming the trampling of so-called sovereignty underfoot, through this policy on the neo-colonial variant of semi-colonial countries. All kinds of restrictions are increasingly being lifted for autocratic control, expansion and unrestricted exploitation by imperialist finance capital. The so-called public sector, built in the more deceptive name of socialism to mislead public opinion, is offered to the comprador bourgeoisie and the imperialist multinational corporations. This policy worsens the living conditions of the peasant masses, especially the landless and poor peasants, including large parts of the middle peasants and some of the rich peasants. The living conditions of other working people, especially the working class, farmers, students and youth including women, employees and parts of the petty bourgeoisie are deteriorating, they are thrown into a crisis of life and death. So fertile ground is being created for revolts against imperialism and its loyal ruling classes. In accordance with imperialist needs and plans, the Indian ruling class has industrialized at random. Through the irrational exploitation of natural resources, it has trampled environmental norms and thereby endangers the ecological balance even at the expense of the interests of the country. 17. The Indian ruling classes have not only inherited the cruel state apparatus from their British imperialist masters; they have maintained and further strengthened it over the past six decades. This state apparatus is nothing but an instrument for oppression, and
10 he represents the dictatorship of the comprador bourgeoisie and the land lord classes that are subservient to imperialism. The oppressive rule is supposed to be hidden behind the facade of the fraudulent parliamentary system. This state system represents the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under the neocolonial form of indirect rule, exploitation and control. During the last few years the repressive teeth of this state system have not only been sharpened, it has also become more and more centralized by the compradorfeudal alliance, supported by imperialism. The main weapons of this bloodthirsty rule are a well-organized and well-equipped modern army, paramilitary and police forces of various states, anti-grassroots judiciary and deeply depraved and powerful bureaucracy. This state apparatus is extremely reactionary and hostile to the people. Without smashing this state apparatus, no struggle for the basic rights of the people can be waged beyond a limited level. 18. Given India's dominant position in all of South Asia, the imperialists have always supported, encouraged and instigated the expansionist schemes of the comprador Indian ruling classes in order to maintain their undisputed control over the vast profitable market. According to the needs and dictates of the imperialists, the comprador ruling classes of India continue to send armed troops from time to time as their mercenaries to other countries of the world such as Somalia, Yugoslavia, Congo, Rwanda etc. Because of this aggressive expansionist role, the Indian comprador has a bureaucratic bourgeoisie While it serves the imperialists in principle, it also serves its own interests in the region by robbing these countries of their capital, market, raw materials, etc. Because of these expansionist ambitions, interventions and subversive activities of the Indian comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie supported by imperialism, Indian expansionism has become a great threat to the security and integrity of all the South Asian countries and especially their peoples, with a vastly superior army and a strong centralized state apparatus. Indian ruling classes intervene in internal affairs in Nepal, including by showing their willingness to send their armies there; just as the Indian army was sent to what was then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) in 1971 and to Sri Lanka in 1987 to oust the LTTE. The ruling classes of India have become an important means of imperialist exploitation and control of the South Asian countries, more precisely their peoples. Thus, one of the most important tasks of the Indian proletariat and Maoist forces in India is to unite more closely with the peoples of South Asia in order to expose, fight and defeat the expansionist ideas of the Indian expansionists along with those of the imperialists. 19. There are four major contradictions in our country: (i) contradiction between imperialism and Indian people; (ii) contradiction between feudalism and the masses of people; (iii) contradiction between capital and labor;
11 (iv) Contradiction within the ruling classes. Of these four major contradictions, the first two are major contradictions. These two contradictions must be resolved during the current stage of the New Democratic Revolution. These two contradictions also play the main or dominant role in drawing up the overall strategy for the current stage of the Indian revolution. Of these two main contradictions, the second contradiction, that is the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses, is currently the first contradiction.During the process of resolving this contradiction through the armed agrarian revolution, which is the axis of the New Democratic Revolution, that is, the protracted People's War, the resolution of other contradictions is made possible. In addition to these two major contradictions, the other two major contradictions also play an important role today in determining the strategic and tactical methods for the New Democratic Revolution of India. In addition to these major contradictions, there are also some other contradictions that need to be resolved as a minor part of resolving the major or major contradictions. 20. India is a multinational, multilingual country that encompasses many cultures. These nationalities and tribes go through different stages of their development. As for the nationality question, imperialism has always employed the strategy of using the developed nationalities as its instrument to stunt the development of the other undeveloped or developing nationalities and to destroy their identity and thus maintain its exploitation and oppression . In India, too, the ruling classes, serving imperialism, had converted the country into a prison building for the nationalities under the so-called slogan of the country's unity and integrity. In such a context, nationality struggles are on the rise in various parts of the country, taking various forms, including armed struggle. The fighting of the Kashmiri, Naga, Assamese, Manipuri and other nationalities in the northeast region is already going on in armed form. The people of these oppressed nationalities fight not only for their identities, but for the appropriate reason to achieve their honorable right to self-determination, including the right to segregation and to demand segregation. In the final analysis, the question of nationality is a question of class. Viewed in this light, the nationality struggles can achieve real liberation only as part of the larger struggle against the Indian ruling classes and against the imperialist predators that is being pushed forward under the leadership of the proletariat towards the completion of the New Democratic Revolution . Our party must clearly support these nationality struggles. It must also stand firmly against the diabolical attempt by the Indian ruling classes to suppress these movements with their military might. It must also oppose attempts by the Indian ruling classes to unilaterally impose Hindi and English or any other language on the nationalities. The right to self-determination including and up to the right to segregation must be firmly held high and under
12 should be emphasized in all circumstances. Our party must also uphold and emphasize that the final and real solution to the nationality question lies in the establishment of a new federation of democratic people's republics after the current centralized state apparatus that represents and protects the interests of imperialism and feudalism has been completely smashed. 21. The damnable caste system and casteism, especially Brahmin casteism, is a special element of the semi-feudal system that prevails in India. The obnoxious caste system and casteism maintained by the ruling classes for millennia are a special form of social oppression and exploitation affecting the country's oppressed castes. Casteism breaks the self-respect of individuals, treats them as inferior, and creates a social hierarchy in which others are looked down on at each step of the ladder. It is one such weapon used by both the Indian ruling classes and the imperialists to divide the poor and the oppressed. The majority of the oppressed castes are poor and face acute caste oppression in addition to class oppression. Casteism is used to derail actual struggles against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. Dalits are at the lowest level of these casteist leaders and face acute social oppression from all social categories above them, especially from the feudal forces. The inhuman practice of untouchability continues and is sustained. Accordingly, Dalits are treated as second class citizens. Even today, 90 to 95 percent of them are either landless or poor farmers or village workers. Even today, their age-old struggles against feudal oppression and for social equality are under attack, and Dalits have fallen victim to these diabolical attacks by feudal and fundamentalist Hindutva forces shielded by the ruling classes and their state apparatus. These attacks take the form of massacres and mass gang rapes. Although the Dalit issue is essentially a class issue, the party should fight caste oppression against Dalits and other backward castes as part of the New Democratic Revolution, and fight for their equal place in all spheres of social life by combating all forms of caste discrimination and oppression, towards the abolition of the caste system. The party must fight for equal rights, reservations and other special privileges for Dalits and other backward castes. At the same time, we must expose the hollowness of the policies of the ruling class parties and the state on these issues. We must also expose the opportunist Dalit leaders who are building their own elected fortunes in the name of representing Dalit issues. We must initiate and lead the struggles against all forms of violence and discrimination against Dalits from our own class organizations. It is
There is also an urgent need to build organizations to fight against untouchability, against caste discrimination and for the extermination of the caste system as part of the new democratic transformation of society. The party must also fight against casteism and untouchability in the political, ideological and cultural spheres until casteist thinking is completely eradicated. 22. Since the emergence of a divided society, women have been the victims of social, economic, cultural and political discrimination and many forms of deprivation. By and large, these disgusting traditions continue to exist, i.e. caste system, dowry, child marriage, widow system, devadasi etc. Women make up half of the population of our country and are exposed to male domination and oppression by patriarchal institutions such as family, religion , Caste system, property relations and culture, in addition to the imperialist feudal exploitation and oppression. Although they have a legal right to own property, that right has proven to be a deception in actual practice. Although women have come more and more into the manufacturing sphere, they are among the lowest paid and are restricted to gender-based occupations, along with all kinds of workplace harassment. Sexual harassment and violence against women have increased in recent years, particularly because of imperialist globalization, liberalization and consumerism. In addition, the proportion of women compared to men has decreased because of the discriminatory practices against women that stem from patriarchal ideology. Attempts by the ruling classes to foment communalism and fundamentalism, especially Hindu fundamentalism, have further intensified the suffering of women. Rape is used as a weapon to counter the lawful allegations made by women. This weapon is also used by the state as the most disgusting repressive measure against the women who emerge in various struggles. Private armies of feudal forces, strengthened by various parties of the ruling classes including the state, also use the weapon of rape as a diabolical method of oppression. Women hold half the sky. Without unleashing the pent-up anger of women as a powerful force of the revolution, victory in the revolution is impossible. It is a source of pride that the masses of women, especially among the poor and landless peasants, are stepping up to take an active and sometimes paramount role in advancing the armed agrarian revolution. Thus, the mobilization of women to advance the people's war against imperialism and feudalism is a must. In addition to the class struggle, we must fight for equal rights for women and equal development opportunities in political, economic, ideological and cultural spheres. True equality between men and women can only be realized in the course of the New Democratic Revolution and furthermore in the process of socialist transformation of society as a whole. Consequently, our party must pay particular attention to awakening, mobilizing, organizing and helping women emerge to take part in the various struggles that are underway, particularly the People's War and the women's revolutionary organization. We must also focus on developing steadfast and far-sighted communist leaders among them.
14 23. In India, under the deceptive name and cloak of secularism, Hindu communalism prevails. Almost all parties of the ruling class continue to use the state apparatus to fuel this communalism. The pro-hindu bias of the Indian state is openly expressed on some occasions. This communalism has been used to promote and promote the idea that an Indian is equivalent to a Hindu, thus directly turning religious minorities into second class citizens. This communalism is not only directed against religious and other minorities, but also against the Dalit areas of society including Adivasi and women. This communalism is also used to foment brahmanism, national chauvinism, casteism and patriarchal mentality. The religious minorities make up 15% of the Indian population. They are victims of discrimination, harassment and cruel oppression perpetrated by the ruling classes by fomenting Hindu communalism, for which they even use their state apparatus. The Hindu fascist gangs quite often organize anti-minority pogroms in a systematic way to impose the communalist concept of Hindutva. The main focus of these attacks has been the Muslims. The ruling classes have used Hindu communalism as an effective tool to divide working people on religious grounds. Hindu communalism has emerged as an important ideological and political stake for the establishment of fascism in the country. The party should face the growing threat of these Hindu fundamentalist forces, expose and combat them, ideologically and politically, and also fight them at the local level using all reasonable means. At the same time, we must continue to expose the fundamentalism of other religions. But we must be clear that the real intention of the chiefs of the Hindu fundamentalist forces is to divide and divert people's attention from their growing upsurges, thereby dulling their class consciousness. So the party must continue to focus its attention on advancing the current class struggle, that is, the protracted people's war that will finally put an end to this danger. 24. Approximately 8% of the population of India is made up of Adivasi or tribes. Their economy, social system and cultural characteristics differ significantly from those of the rest of the population. Most of the Adivasi are in the process of developing as nationalities and the overwhelming majority of them are the most oppressed sections of Indian society. The vast majority of the Adivasi have long been deprived of their land, as have other traditional means of subsistence, without being offered any alternative. The products of the forest and mineral resources that have traditionally been in their possession are being forcibly taken away from them by the imperialists, the CBB, the feudal classes, entrepreneurs, moneylenders and usurers, unscrupulous traders, bureaucrats and other exploiters mainly from outside, leading to Dissolution of their traditional economy results. The mines, quarries, other industrial activities and the building of large dams destroyed the lives and livelihoods of the Adivasi. In addition, they have been neglected socially, culturally and politically.
15 We need to devise such specific policies that we can actively involve the vast majority of these areas in the mainstream of the New Democratic Revolution. In particular, there remains a long-term need for the party to pay special attention to the Adivasi areas because of the total neglect of these areas by the ruling classes and also because of their strategic importance. Along with this, we must make a strong effort to prepare soldiers and leaders of the revolution among them, with a view to the glorious tradition of the continuity of their anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles. It is our job to organize them on the basis of their political, economic, social, linguistic and educational issues by ensuring them political autonomy. It is also our job to conduct their struggles in such a way that they can achieve their full emancipation in the truest sense of the word. 25. The semi-colonial, semi-feudal character of Indian society means that the Indian revolution must pass through two stages. The task of the first stage is to make the semi-colonial, semi-feudal society an independent New Democratic Society by resolving the two main contradictions of contemporary Indian society, i.e. the contradiction between the Indian people and imperialism and the contradiction between the broad masses and feudalism. In continuity with this, the task of the second stage is to establish the socialist system and continue the revolution that leads to communism on a global level. The first stage is the prerequisite for the second stage. India will reach the socialist stage through the completion of the democratic revolution. Our social system determines the level of our revolution. Our country is at the stage of the democratic revolution, the axis and content of which is the agrarian revolution. Since the proletarian class leads them, therefore, it is not the old-type democratic revolution, but it is the new type of democratic revolution, i.e., the new democratic revolution. This revolution is part of the world proletarian revolution that began with the Great October Revolution in Russia. This revolution, on the one hand, opens the path for capitalism to some extent; on the other hand, it also regulates it and creates the necessary conditions for socialism. The goals of our revolution are imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism and feudalism. These three mountains weigh heavily on the backs of our people. These three enemies have blocked the political, economic and cultural development of our country and our people. Therefore the immediate basic program for the political representatives of the Indian proletariat and its vanguard is the communist party, the semi-colonial, semi-feudal rule of the great landlord and comprador bureaucratic bourgeois classes, as well as the imperialism that supports them, to overthrow through armed struggle and the democratic state of the People under the leadership of the proletariat to establish the New Democratic State instead; by smashing the reactionary autocratic state. This new democratic state will be the democratic dictatorship of the people exercised by the united front comprising the proletariat, peasantry, petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie, under the leadership of the
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